“The Bangladesh Dialogue” and Independent International University o jointly organized on
23/2/25
TBD Lens: Session 3
“Echoes of Defiance: Youth: Resistance, and the Path to Democratic Restoration.”
Lense featured speakers
Bokhtiar Ahmed, PhD – Professor, Dept. of Social Sciences & Humanities & Dean, School of
Liberal Arts and Social Sciences, IUB
Dr. Mohammad Nazmuzzaman Bhuiyan – Professor, Dept. of Law, University of Dhaka &
Dean, School of Law, IUB
Aaqib Md. Shatil – Special Correspondent, Netra News
SAM Jahan – TV Correspondent, Reuters South Asia
Bokhtiar Ahmed Speech
Bokhtiar Sir first discussed why the private university students have taken part in the 24
revolution and various other questions regarding this participation. According to him, this is an
unwanted question because the students of the private universities have repeatedly held protests
such as: the anti-VAT movement, the 2018 quota and the safe road movement. The students of
the private universities have taught us to think anew from outside the existing political divisions
of the country.
Bakhtiar Sir compares 1990 with 2024 at this stage because the youth directly participated in the
mass uprising of 1990, just as they did in 24, but in 1990 the youth were deceived. So 1990 is a
meeting or middle period of 24 and 71, the period before 1990, that is, the 80s – the military rule
ended at the cost of the blood of many martyrs, and after the 1999 elections, a full journey of
democracy began again.
Bakhtiar Sir discussed at this stage the most important part of democracy – Basic Democracy.
Which the people of Bangladesh have seen from July 18 to July 36 where the common people
have been on the streets directly challenging an authoritarian government. Moreover, Bangladesh
is also seeing Basic Democracy now. Because the current government is a weak government and
is struggling to think about the various demands of the people, moreover, Direct Democracy and
Representational democracy there will always be a contradiction. Basic democracy is at its best
during revolutions. Moreover, he said that in this current basic democracy, political parties must
be helped by continuing to put pressure on them. However, politics of division cannot be allowed
because the Awami League regime survived on this politics of division. This division of youth
into two and a half started in 2007-8. A big example of this is the discussion between
Ganajagaran Mancha and Hefajat in 2013. When the representatives of the Ganajagaran Mantra
left for Chittagong for talks, the government sent them back from Feni. Similarly, the Awami
League government brutally suppressed the 2018 quota movement. At this time, Bakhtiyar Sir
highlighted the 2018 Safe Road Movement where ordinary students took control of a very
important city like Dhaka for a week, which was very humiliating for the then Awami League
government. At this stage, sir says,we need to avoid the politics of revenge because after the
collapse of a certain ruling system, new forces emerge with the same desire. There will be justice
but no revenge. Because the new revolutionary forces that emerge after the fall of the retributive
system cannot create a new democratic system. One of the biggest examples is the Bolshevik
Revolution. Moreover, he cited the example of journalist Tasneem Khalil, who put aside her
anger at the torture and focused on her journalism. He hopes that the soldiers of building a new
Bangladesh will not compromise on the issue of justice, but they need to think ten times before
taking revenge.
Sam Jahan
In his speech, Semjahan first said that the 52-53-year history of Bangladesh is a very short
history. Bangladesh is a very young country. In his speech, he regretted that he could not see the
important events of the country, such as the Liberation War of 1971, and that he was very young
during the mass uprising of the 1990s. He learned everything he knew during the uprising by
reading or from the pages of books. At this point, he asked the audience whether there has ever
been full-fledged democracy in Bangladesh in the past 52,53 years of history. After the
audience’s answer, he said that the country had never had full democracy. Semjahan says at this
stage that we Delta people have a nature and that is that we don’t wake up until our backs are
against the wall. We backfire like schoolchildren only after our backs are against the wall. The
biggest example of which is our 24th mass uprising. At this stage, he shared his experience with
the audience, mentioning how he faced government thugs during the safe road movement in
2018 and was injured, and he highlighted the torture of his colleagues. He also told how the
quota movement in 2018 was suppressed.
Regarding the mass uprising on 24th, he said that it is a huge lesson for us for the next 100 to
200 years. The regret of not seeing the Liberation War of 1971 as a journalist in national life has
been satisfied by seeing the mass uprising on 24th. During the uprising, there were many
situations where it was difficult for him to do his job as a professional journalist. He asked
himself if he was really a journalist or if he wanted to be a part of this mass uprising.
He recounted an incident from his 18th year of the Safe Roads Movement. He was standing on
the Science Lab footover bridge while performing his professional duties. He suddenly saw a
group of students coming towards him. He was quite surprised to see such a big procession and
got down from there and joined them. Then he forgot his journalist identity and joined the stream
of students and people. As a journalist, this was very wrong. It was against the policy of
journalism. Then he walked near the Awami League’s Dhanmondi office and noticed the group
of students next to him suddenly started moving away and he noticed that the riot police were in
front of him. Suddenly he heard the sound of tear gas and he himself was attacked by tear gas.
He then started moving away from there and just then a small school kid came towards him and
offered him a mask for his safety and told him that he showed him everything in the world, then
he thought of his gratitude and he would remain in this state or movement until the last moment.
Later he searched for the boy a lot on social media or through various means but could not find
him. He spoke about the contribution of private universities to the July Revolution and
emphasized that there is no way to deny this. He talks about another of our faults, which is that
when we get close to power, an Aladdin monster starts to form in our minds, and that Aladdin
monster keeps getting bigger and bigger. He recalled a student advisor who sat for about five
hours for an interview. This was normal for him because a journalist’s job is to sit and gather
news. Then the student advisor came and gave him only 30 minutes. When he tried to approach
him for more time, the student advisor told him that he had another interview. After the
interview, when he was about to leave Dhaka University’s TSC, some private students blocked
his way. They told him that you are only taking the word of a few people, but nothing about
private universities is being publicized in the media. Then he asked the students present, “Why
aren’t you being mentioned in the media?” At this stage of his speech, he expressed hope to
private university students that they will be in a better position in the next 10-15 years. He then
called on private university students to take a strong role in standing up for their rights. He said
that in politics there will be a lot of criticism and a lot of debate, but we have to do it ourselves in
our own circumstances. Finally, he concluded his speech by mentioning the future of the
students’ country.
Dr. Mohammad Nazmuzzaman Bhuiyan
We joined the July movement—then what? Students from NSU, IUB, and other private
universities were active. There was always surveillance, people keeping tabs. But they don’t
need recognition for what they did in the movement—so what comes next? Back then, we were
alive 24/7. The movement was loud, unstoppable. But now, it’s quiet. Too quiet. Time is short.
Bringing true democracy isn’t impossible, even in a limited timeframe. But whatever progress
we made, we’ve lost it again. So, where is the pressure group now? There has to be strength—
real strength that can be used strategically. If we evaluate the situation now, I see frustration.
Every place that once roared with resistance is now silent. The force that once shook the system
is now calm and quiet. But that calmness holds strength. And people will appreciate it. Why?
Because when groups have their own agendas, division forms. And unity becomes fragile. That
division is a weakness. Private university students were absent from the streets this time. If they
step out again, they’ll be watched. That’s pressure. That’s control. But remember how the force
of the webstorm worked. Look at Vermont—where democratic reform movements gained real
strength. Having separate agendas only divides us. Political parties should be helped when
necessary. If we keep differentiating instead of building alliances, we lose strength. If we want to
act as a pressure group, we must stay ready. When pressure is needed, we will return to the
streets. And when it’s time, we will apply pressure again. As long as we remain united, there’s
no room for frustration. That’s when we are truly successful. Gen Z is different—sensitive, with
a unique nature and character. That’s why I urge everyone: handle things in a mature way. This
path to democratic restoration needs all of us—our help, our contribution, and our commitment
to the cause.
Aaqib Md. Shatil
NSGO Professional 2017 is about youth training—learning how to identify problems and hold
people accountable. But in our system, accountability is almost nonexistent. There’s no effective
way to ensure that those in power take responsibility for their actions. Take a simple example:
You live in a ward and repeatedly approach your councilor about a problem. He doesn’t listen.
What can you do? Not voting for him in the next election won’t solve it because the system
allows him to continue unchecked. Instead, we need to make an example of him—to ‘showcase’
his failures so that whoever comes next gets the message: neglecting public responsibility won’t
be tolerated. This kind of awareness and resistance wasn’t always possible. Just a few days ago,
people couldn’t even speak up. Society and the government were slowly tightening control,
making it impossible to challenge authority. But the July Movement changed that. People from
every level—students, schoolchildren, transport workers—even sawmill workers, armed with
their tools—stood up against fear. The movement shattered that fear. Now, it’s the youth’s
responsibility to sustain this courage. We must understand how public policy functions. Learning
about core democratic processes isn’t a theoretical exercise—it’s about making democracy work
as a tool for accountability. A concrete example? Every ward should hold mandatory council
meetings every week. This isn’t about shutting down elections to implement reforms; it’s about
valuing democratic restoration over authoritarian control. We don’t need less democracy—we
need more of it. And in our lifetime, we must ensure these changes take effect. Owning the July
spirit means standing up to authoritarian rule and defying it. It’s our duty to carry that forward.